Wednesday, August 24, 2011

Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan (CERP) — EATING THE EVERGLADES

        Want to know what has happened in south Florida over the past nearly 20 years? Name calling. Finger pointing. Blame assessment. Heated accusations of negotiating in bad faith. Suspicion and mistrust. Decisions tainted by under-the-table agreements. Hidden political agendas. Righteous anger. Controversy and conflict. It's business as usual regarding the Everglades, only much worse and far more desperate than ever because it really is the 50th minute of the eleventh hour. And the stakes are enormous.
        Today in south Florida it's a challenge to find agencies or organizations that agree with positions taken by other organizations. Everyone is convinced that the other side is populated with conscienceless bastards who eagerly lie through their teeth at every opportunity. Coalitions form and are dissolved in a matter of months. Former partners accuse their former associates of unethical motives and reprehensible actions. And I'm talking about respected scientists, national environmental groups, business leaders, politicians, Federal and State agencies, and intensely involved but fairly typical citizens. When the scientists at the Everglades National Park publicly maintain that the newly authorized Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan (from this point on the initials, CERP, will be used) created by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers will not provide the claimed environmental benefits to the Everglades, what's a regular person to believe?[1]
        Although my intention is to present the materials in this blog in a straightforward manner, that goal is complicated by intensely held opinions and subjective judgments. That's because we'll be looking at a serious, highly complex problem that has many facets, not all of which are open or above board. Many of those elements are characterized by technical problems of exasperating difficulty and by experts who disagree among themselves on the facts as well as on the range of potential adverse effects, mitigation measures, and policy implications. Whoever claimed that science was objective has never studied the south Florida landscape.
        Sad to say, an easy way to simplify the proposed restoration effort and still do justice to all the issues has not yet been discovered. At least not by me. Having said that, I'm committed to providing as balanced an overview as I can of what has happened in south Florida, why, and what it all means for today, tomorrow and into the future.
        If you've had the stamina to make it through the first hundred pages and more of this multi-part blog post on the Everglades, you know where my heart is. On the side of the environment. I desperately want my grandchildren and their grandchildren to be able to breathe fresh air, swim in clean streams, and marvel as a majestic Everglades kite soars past in search of a juicy freshwater apple snail. Despite that mindset, I promise to make an attempt to be as objective as possible in this presentation. Cynical and sarcastic soul though I am. At least my point of view has been revealed for all to see. Which is to ensure that the Everglades will survive into the future as much restored to its former natural state as is possible, even while suspecting that full restoration will prove impossible and that this incredible environment may be doomed as much as by our collective indifference as by the rapacity and greed of powerbrokers. And of course by that of their pet politicians.
        As you will see, these next few posts are difficult for a couple reasons. First, the subject is God-awful complicated, if only by the nature of its convoluted and highly controversial history. Second, if you’re a relative neophyte to the subject, you really don’t know who or what to believe. And that's a critical problem. Third, the efforts being proposed to restore the Everglades are both extraordinarily technical and as political as they get. In truth, this topic cries out for a more intensive, investigative approach as a full volume on its own, not just a couple lousy posts in a blog intent on exploring many other closely related but not identical topics. But, that's not in the cards. So we just have to make do. And for me, that's an opportunity to provide as accurate an explanation as I am able within a relatively few pages. While keeping things as interesting and as objective as possible.
        To acquire a basic understanding of south Florida's cornucopia of environmental tribulations, interested Readers should begin by reading Michael Grunwald's wonderful series on Everglades restoration that was published in the Washington Post in June 2002; and if you can't find that series, jump to his book, The Swamp, and you'll find more interesting details.[2] Grunwald hit all the bases and, despite his professed vocation as a reporter for what critics label a notoriously liberal newspaper, he merits the status of a critical but objective observer. That doesn't mean he’s without a viewpoint. But he doesn't beat you over the head with it. So don't be surprised to see materials from Grunwald's newspaper series and his book referred to several times in the analysis below, though my point of view is a good deal more radicalized and polemic than his.
        You can also get the CERP and related documents straight from the horse’s mouth by going to the Corps's web site.[3] If you have a fast modem or a high-speed connection you can download the entire document. Don’t forget the stupendously large Annexes, especially the one written by what had to be a cast of two or three dozen U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service biologists. The introduction and summary to their report maintain with a straight face that the Service is 100 percent behind the CERP. They're team players all right. But if you actually read their Annex, instead of yielding to temptation and using it as an emergency wheel chock to prevent your car from rolling downhill, and understand anything about natural systems you’ll get a distinctly different impression. The majority of the Fish & Wildlife scientists seem to be opposed to what the Corps is doing in the CERP. But their bosses, who like their jobs and prefer to stay employed, bent over and assumed the position of abject submission before the dominant Corps and their Congressional masters.
        By universal judgment, for 46 long years the "water management improvements" designed by the Corps of Engineers for south Florida directly caused widespread, large-scale environmental destruction across the entire Everglades and associated ecosystems. And that included the densely settled coastal areas from Homestead north to Port St. Lucie. Today, surprisingly, even the Corps agrees with that assessment. Though they now claim that those problems were unanticipated or inadvertent.[4] While holding up their still bloodied hands to proclaim their righteous innocence.
        Finally, even the calloused Florida politicians could no longer close their eyes to the devastation of the Everglades and pretend they were living in Oz. Hey, saltwater intrusion that pollutes the aquifers providing cities with drinking water is a problem that will not go away on its own. And neither will the collapse of coastal ecosystems that support sport and commercial fishermen. Or a myriad other environmental disasters created by the Corps’s idiotic and reprehensible refusal to consider the inevitable adverse effects on biological systems that resulted from their engineering "improvements."
        CERP’s most direct ancestor is of course the 1948 C&SF Project, which as a physical reality was fully in place and functional by the early 1970s. From the seventies through the early eighties, when widespread and pernicious environmental problems popped up and refused to go away, the Corps and the State desperately tried to restructure the Project so its many problems could be handled by their partner, the South Florida Water Management District (SFWMD). That effort to deal with the internal problems, which were caused by the division of the historical Everglades into what the Project’s engineers claimed were separate and unrelated pieces, failed spectacularly. Author’s Note: That's an error scientists identify as compartmentalism.
        Environmental groups and many scientists studying south Florida wetlands interpreted what was happening in the Everglades as its death spiral. From the mid-1980s to the present, the Corps, the SFWMD, and the State attempted, on a piecemeal basis, to restore at least some small portion of the natural values of the Everglades. But they were unsuccessful.
        In 1992, recognizing that the condition of the Everglades was increasingly desperate, Congress authorized the Corps, through the omnibus Water Resources Development Act,[5] to determine whether modifications to the C&SF Project were necessary owing to changing physical and socioeconomic conditions. But CERP's most closely related antecedent was a trial balloon released in early 1996 by Governor Lawton Chiles's Commission on a Sustainable South Florida. The Commission, established in 1994 (operating until June 1999), was a carefully chosen set of serious players in the political arena. State, regional, and local government representatives. State agency managers. Agricultural and cattle interests. Home builders. Attorneys. Business leaders. Seminole tribe representatives. Oh, yes, and environmentalists of a certain sort (for additional sordid details see the 11-3-11 post: Inside Game/Outside Game).
        The Commission Chairman, Richard Pettigrew, a former speaker of the Florida House, realized the chance of the Legislature passing an Everglades restoration plan that was opposed by developers, mining firms, or agribusinesses was a big fat zero. With that unassailable reality hanging over his head like the sword of Damocles, he applied his years of political legerdemain to the task and pulled off a unanimous vote. As was expected, all the major compromises in the final document favored south Florida agricultural and business interests. What else?
        However, after decades of being promised that genuine help for the Everglades was just around the corner, the environmentalists on the Commission had reluctantly arrived at the conclusion that a little something was substantially better than tons of empty promises. Which was what the Everglades had been getting for many decades from the Corps and the SFWMD. The short, dirty end of the stick. So with heavy hearts and many second thoughts they climbed in bed with the business and agricultural interests and hoped for the best while preparing for the worst. 
        It was obvious that the State had neither the money nor the technical expertise to go it alone. So, hat in hand, and with the strong support of the Florida Congressional delegation, they trotted their dog and pony show to Pork Barrel Heaven: WashingtonD.C. Having been primed previously by the Florida delegation and by the 1992 WRDA, in late 1996 Congress authorized the Corps to perform an official Comprehensive Review Study (known by friends and foes alike as the Restudy) of the C&SF Project. According to Corps documents, the mandated purpose of the Restudy was "to determine the feasibility of structural or operational modifications to the project essential to the restoration of the Everglades and the South Florida ecosystem, while providing for other water-related needs such as urban and agricultural water supply and flood protection in those areas served by the project."[6]
        If you read that above quote carefully you may have noticed the problem. The fallacious and environmentally onerous goals of the original C&SF Project were never called into question. No Federal, State, or local politician wanted the original Project’s purpose reexamined. That approach would have been too radical and far too politically explosive. After all, the Big Sugar lords who controlled their EAA lands like medieval fiefdoms had been among the most active players calling for the Restudy, especially since they had the most to lose if the Everglades actually died as an ecosystem. Since those key owners/executives were great pals of Bill Clinton, Al Gore, and both Bushes, their fingerprints were all over the reasons the restoration project was structured the way it was. They had too much to lose to let it become a genuine environmental restoration project. Which is why they were pleased as punch that the Corps, Congress's highly controllable butt-boy who ALWAYS did as they were told, was assigned to do the Restudy.
        Congress held the Corps's balls so tightly in their clenched fist there would never be any question as to what they would finally recommend. The Corps generals and engineers would never bite the hand that fed them so well or could punish them so severely if necessity arose. Therefore, their unquestioning loyalty and slavish obedience was a foregone conclusion.
        Naturally, after the intense political manipulation and Congress's specific directions, the Restudy came up with the same old so familiar Corps ingredients: structural solutions to flood protection, drainage canals, levees, pumping stations, and water supply for agriculture and urban uses. What a tremendous surprise. Oh, don't forget: and just barely enough environmental restoration thrown in to keep the tree-huggers, like their new best buddy, Audubon of Florida, from jumping ship. More later on those slick-willy collaborators.
        The Corps’s final report was submitted to Congress in July 1999. Naturally, considering the authors, there were no surprises. The Corps trumpeted that the "Comprehensive [Everglades Restoration] Plan contained in this report will, when implemented, restore, protect, and preserve a natural resource treasure—the South Florida ecosystem." Another intentional misrepresentation from the people who had consistently lied about the environment for well more than ten decades.
        In the earliest stages after its creation by the Corps, the CERP enjoyed nearly universal support. Certain environmental organizations (especially the so eager to collaborate Audubon of Florida) agreed to support the CERP only if major environmental improvements were in place by 2010, which was supposed to be the project’s half-way mark in terms of spending. Suddenly, that was a done deal and strange new relationships blossomed. Lobbyists from Audubon of Florida and the sugar industry, who under normal conditions were on the opposite side of whatever issue was under discussion, wound up walking arm-in-arm through the halls of Congress promoting the CERP. As if they actually had something in common.
        The environmentalists had been seduced and then mesmerized by the promise that 79 billion gallons of freshwater would be supplied annually to the Everglades National Park. A life-giving infusion that was desperately needed for the survival of the Everglades. But as months passed and the lobbying and political pressure mounted, the promise of those 79 billion gallons gradually morphed from a guarandamnteed certainty to a "future" study that would determine the Park’s real freshwater needs. Suspicions confirmed. Things were slowly reverting to normal for the Everglades: come-on promises galore in the here and now but no future delivery.
        The environmental strategy of south Florida powerbrokers and politicians has always been the same. Use the dire state of the Everglades to pump up public interest, and then, after everyone is on the bandwagon, drop the Park's needs like a hot potato and get on with the real agenda. Which is making sure the power brokers get fatter. Oh, and don't forget more campaign contributions for those always agreeable Florida legislators. Have to keep them fat and happy, too. Pass the wetlands, please. Let's all get fat eating the Everglades.
        After the downgrading of the 79 billion gallon promise of freshwater came yet another hammer blow. The environmental organizations' other main concerns, how to allocate the project’s water to guarantee ecological progress by 2010 and a crucial set of future regulations that would “ensure the protection of the natural system,” were removed from primary consideration and shuffled off to the sidelines. With fresh promises that they would become the basis of a future federal-state agreement, now known as the Agreement between the Bushes, which was signed on January 9, 2002.
        As an aside, after the signing of the Agreement, the White House released a fact sheet that stated that the restoration, while serving the Everglades first, would still benefit those who live around them. "When fully implemented, it [the CERP] will provide the region with an additional 1.7 billion gallons of fresh water per day, ensuring an expanded water supply to meet the growing needs of South Florida communities and farms," the White House stated. Two points should be made about these statements and what they reveal. First, nowhere in the CERP or the Agreement does it state that the needs of the Everglades will be served first, second, or what. Nowhere. The key word used in the CERP to describe the environmental goals is overarching,[7] which can be pressed into service in many disparate ways, as lobbyists and politicians know well. And second, the White House statement allows us to see Bush’s critical mindset. That the 1.7 billion gallons of freshwater will meet the growing needs of south Florida communities and farms. Right. And can’t we all see where that will lead.
        Although Everglades restoration was sold to environmentalists and the public as the Plan’s overriding purpose, in the end the CERP was only legally committed to meeting the "water-related needs" of South Florida. It was business as usual, or to put it another way, water management as usual. At this point all you Gentle Readers should be thinking canals, pumping stations, agriculture, and urban development. Not more wood storks or Everglades kites, that's for damned sure.
        Problem was, those agriculture and development needs had never played a key role in any important discussion during the national lobbying campaign to generate support for the Plan. The focus was always on a slogan Senator Bob Graham coined to de-parochialize what was from the get-go a south Florida flood control and water supply project. All those involved in drumming up support for the Plan were supposed to loudly trumpet America’s Everglades every time the subject came up. The public relations gurus thought that, correctly as it turned out, unless that slogan was on everyone’s lips lawmakers from the parched Southwest and West might start grumbling about why Congress was willing to pay for a multipurpose water project for a subtropical paradise that was blessed with around 60 inches of annual rainfall. To top it off, local water officials were even told not to say anything about the key flood control and water supply issues contained in the CERP. The word was out. "Just talk about saving the Everglades. Keep your mouth shut about everything else. Don’t worry, your water needs will be taken care." It proved to be a very successful strategy. Cynical and dirty-dog double-dealing as hell but most effective.
        The CERP started life as the centerpiece of Bill Clinton’s and Jeb Bush’s environmental legacies. Next, President George W. Bush referred to CERP as the best example of his "new environmentalism for the 21st Century." You buy that stinking piece of shit and I want to talk to you about this telecommunications satellite I have for sale.
        You might think that most people living in south Florida would eventually figure out what was going on. Nope. The environment is just not a sexy topic that will hold the interest of the average voter for more than a minute or two. And it won't until something drastic happens to change that situation, a hypothetical that now looks extremely unlikely.




[1] It may be of some interest to Readers that even scientists at the South Florida Water Management District believe that the computer models that formed the basis of the CERP suffered from a distinct lack of biological input; for more information see: Fred H. Sklar, H. Carl Fitz, Yegang Wu, Randall VanZee, and Christopher McVoy. 2001. “South Florida: The Reality of Change and the Prospects for Sustainability: The Design of Ecological Landscape Models for Everglades Restoration,” Ecological Economics, vol. 37, no. 3, pp. 379-401.

[2] For a good introduction to the subject of Florida, the Everglades and politics, see Michael Grunwald, The Swamp: The Everglades, Florida, and the Politics of Paradise. New York: Simon and Shuster, 2006.
[3] Anyone with a well-developed sense of irony should get a kick out of the motto that used to float over the main page of the web site: "Rescuing an endangered eco-system—The journey to restore America’s Everglades." That motto has been replaced with this shortened version: "The Journey to Restore America’s Everglades." As if someone other than the Corps had done the evil deed and Corps engineers are the good guys riding to the rescue on white horses. Ironical or not, nonsense like that is hard to take for people who love the Everglades and hate what has been done to it. By Congress and their bend-over boys, the Corps. Online: http://www.evergladesplan.org/.


[4] For a detailed and refreshing treatment of this intriguing topic, see: Edward Tenner. 1996. Why Things Bite Back: Technology and the Revenge of Unintended ConsequencesNew York: Knopf Publishing.
[5] U.S. Public Law 102-580.
[6] USACE, Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan, Final Feasibility Report and Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement; p. 1-7, April 1999.
[7] CERP Vision Statement, A Vision Statement for the Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the South Florida Water Management District, 31 March 2003; online at: http://www.evergladesplan.org/pm/program_docs/cerp_vision_statement.cfm

Monday, August 22, 2011

Another Transition

After passing the preliminary exams and advancing to doctoral candidate status I submitted a dissertation proposal to Professor James Anderson, who had become my advisor and the head of my dissertation committee after Stan Brunn accepted a position at Michigan State and flew the coop. The topic was on the isolation of an all-black city in the St. Louis suburbs. The topic was approved without any problems and I started on the initial part of the research, meaning collecting relevant research I needed to review.
Right around that time I heard from another grad student that the Dean of College of Liberal Arts and Sciences was pushing hard for approval of a major re-write of the catalog that would require grad students in all CLAS departments to take more coursework and spend an additional two semesters in full-time residence at the University. Concerned, I popped into Anderson’s office and asked what was going on. He confirmed the rumor and said the changes would take place at the start of the coming Fall Semester but assured me that none of the currently enrolled grad students would be affected. We had started our studies under the old requirements and would finish that way. He made some sort of snide remark about Dr. Niddrie being one of the Dean’s allies in the move. I could tell from his expression and tone that somehow that didn’t sit well with him. Since it wouldn’t affect me I decided to ignore it.
Although I had paid little attention to it in my years at the University, Ray Crist and Anderson were embroiled in a serious struggle for the future of the Geography Department. Crist wanted to continue along regional lines (Latin America, Africa, Europe, Asia, etc.) while Anderson was moving the department into specializations like urban, economic, land use, cartography and remote sensing, physical geography, and agricultural geography that had no regional focus. Niddrie was very closely aligned with Crist against Anderson. It didn’t help Anderson’s case that the Dean of CLAS was tight with both Niddrie and Crist.
But a few days later I overheard two students in the Grad Room pissing and moaning about being forced to take two more semesters of coursework because of the new grad school regs. When I told them they wouldn’t have to because they had enrolled under the old grad catalog they both said that Niddrie, who was their doctoral committee chair, had told them they would conform to the new regs or pay a steep penalty. His threat to their continued standing as doctoral candidates was clear and real. Christ, I thought that was bullshit pure and simple and thanked my lucky stars Big Jim wasn’t such an authoritarian prick.
In May 1970, we moved back to St. Louis and I started on the research and began looking for a full-time job. I could have taken that whole year to do the research as a full-time U of F grad student and get paid by the NDEA Fellowship but we were so tired of living close to the bone both San and I thought that if I could get a teaching position I could do the dissertation research and teach at the same time. Okay, it might take a year or two longer but at least we’d be living in a real apartment instead of crummy, roach-filled Flavet and making a lot more money.
Without going into the obviously gory details a white boy doing research in an all-black city went over like a lead turd dropped from a thousand feet into a cheapo toilet. It was downright ugly. Imperialist muthafucka was one of the nicer compliments I heard. For months and months.
Anderson even traveled to St. Louis to pump me up and then delivered what I interpreted as bad news. He was considering leaving Florida for a top-level position as Chief Geographer of the United States Geological Survey. I was happy for him because I knew he had been working hard on a new land use, land cover classification system that could be applied to remote sensing data. The USGS was the perfect place for him because they were at the forefront of that technology. I was somewhat comforted by his promise of continuing as my committee chair even though at some unspecified future date he would no longer be formally associated with the university.
After several months unsuccessful employment search, I received a letter from the head of the Geography-Geology Department at Eastern Michigan University in Ypsilanti asking if I would be interested in teaching urban geography and urban planning there. I was and after going for two interviews was offered and accepted the job. Finally, my first job as a university professor. I didn’t even care that they had rejected my original letter of application or that the only reason for their interest in hiring me was occasioned by the massive heart attack and sudden death two weeks earlier of the guy who had been teaching their urban courses.
A month after accepting the job San and I traveled to Ypsilanti and hunted for a place to live. Luckily we found a brand new apartment that we could afford and signed the lease. After several years living in roach-infested Flavet we were finally about to live in the style we wanted to become accustomed to. In late August 1970, an eight-month pregnant San, David, and I packed our belongings into a 20-foot U-Haul truck and headed north.

Sunday, August 21, 2011

Why I LOVE Rick Perry


I want Rick Perry to run for President. Really. Because he’s not afraid to tell the American people exactly what he believes. So, I’ll share a few of Rick Perry’s publically stated beliefs with you.


Here’s GOP presidential hopeful Rick Perry on global warming: “I think there are a substantial number of scientists who have manipulated data so that they will have dollars rolling into their projects.” Rick Perry obviously doesn’t believe in manmade global warming, calling it a scientific theory that has not been proven, demonstrating to anyone with at least an average IQ and a half-way inquiring mind he fails to understand high school science. Those statements earned Rick Perry Four Pinocchios in the Washington Post’s Fact Checker section, the lowest rating possible, meaning Perry’s statements have no association with verifiable evidence. What? Truth matters?

Rick Perry also believes that “almost weekly or even daily, scientists who are coming forward and questioning the original idea that man-made global warming is what is causing the climate to change.” That claim was also awarded Four Pinocchios in the Washington Post’s Fact Checker section.

Rick Perry believes that federal programs for Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, public schools, Pell Grants, and clean air laws are unconstitutional.

Not only that, Rick Perry said that Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are Ponzi schemes, meaning they are felonious criminal conspiracies operated by the federal government.

Oh, yes, Rick Perry also thinks Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid should be dismantled. How does that sit with all you people who are 55 and older and are looking at retirement?

Rick Perry doesn’t believe in the loyalty of the Federal Reserve System, stating categorically that if the Federal Reserve puts more money in the U.S. financial system, such action could be considered treason.

Rick Perry doesn’t believe in the debt-ceiling compromise Congress just passed and would have voted against it.

Rick Perry believes the U.S. government simply has to quit spending money. But, in 2009, while Rick Perry was Governor, Texas took more than $17 billion in federal stimulus money that Rick Perry used to balance a badly out of whack State budget. Hello hypocrisy.

Rick Perry believes it may be possible for the Great State of Texas to secede from the Union. Is that Dixie I hear playing in the background?

Rick Perry believes in marriage and the traditional definition of the union as between a man and a woman. Rick Perry is also for an amendment making that definition part of the U.S. Constitution.

Rick Perry believes public schools should bring prayer and the Ten Commandments back into the classrooms.

Under the leadership of Rick Perry, Texas has achieved some of the lowest high school graduation rates and highest poverty rates in the country. Hip, hip . . .

Rick Perry was so happy with Texas’s high school graduation rate (62.6 percent or 43rd lowest out of the 50 states) he rewarded that outstanding educational achievement by cutting $4 billion in State aid to K-12 public schools, Texas’s first per-capita decrease in public education spending since World War II, despite official State projections that the public school population will grow by over 160,000 new students in the next two years.

Rick Perry has said, "Everyone in this country has access to health care." Really? According to the Texas Department of State Health Services thousands of Texans sometimes wait more than a year to get medication, therapy, substance abuse care, and other services from clinics and community centers. Among them are 6,800 adults and children with schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and severe depression — two-thirds of whom are currently receiving no services.

Rick Perry believes the rest of the nation should admire Texas for its record of accomplishments. Here are a number of those outstanding achievements gained under Rick Perry’s sterling leadership:

Texas has the fourth-highest poverty rate of any state.
In 2010, Texas tied Mississippi for the highest percentage of workers in minimum-wage jobs.
Texas leads the nation in the percentage of children who have no medical insurance.
Twenty-six percent of Texans have no health insurance — the highest percentage of medically uninsured residents of any state.
Texas has an inordinate number of employers who provide no medical insurance to their workers.
As a percent of the total state budget, Texas spent 7.5 percent on Medicaid, 49th out of 50 states.
Texas ranks first in adults without high school diplomas.

That’s why I love Rick Perry. His mouth is as big as the Lone Star State and that’s what will run him smack up against the Great Wall of independent voters who sit in the middle of American political ideologies and dislike extremists from either side. Here’s hoping Rick Perry keeps spouting his right-wingnut, wacko, half-baked ideas on the campaign trail. Because that’s exactly the kind of candidate the Democrats are desperate to run against in 2012.

Here’s a recent quote from Dick Wadhams, a former Republican chairman from Colorado who as of mid-August 2011 is not committed to any GOP hopeful in 2012: "We need to be able to appeal to those independent voters who will not vote for a Republican who they consider to be extreme. We cannot beat Barack Obama if our candidate becomes the issue."

Good luck, Rick, with winning the GOP nomination for President. You’re the Democrats’ best hope.